The Role of Political Parties in Central Asian Independence Movements

In the struggle for independence, political parties in Central Asia have served as catalysts, mobilizing the masses and advocating for self-determination. These parties have championed the cause of sovereignty and have effectively rallied support to liberate their respective countries from external influences. They have played a pivotal role in uniting diverse communities, transcending divisions, and fostering a sense of national identity.

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Political Parties Promoting State-Building in Central Asia

Following independence, political parties in Central Asia have taken on the crucial responsibility of state-building. These parties have been vital in establishing democratic institutions, drafting constitutions, and formulating policies that promote social welfare and economic development. Through their efforts, Central Asian countries have made significant strides towards political stability, economic growth, and social inclusivity.

The Impact of Political Parties in Latin America

Political Parties as Catalysts of Independence Movements in Latin America

In Latin America, political parties have played a pivotal role in the struggle for independence. They have led revolutions, organized protests, and fought against colonial powers to secure freedom and self-governance. These parties have provided a platform for advocating for political and social rights, leading to the emergence of independent nations across the region.

The Legacy of Latin American Political Parties

The legacy of political parties in Latin America is profound. They have laid the foundations for democratic governance, strengthened institutions, and empowered marginalized communities. Political parties have worked towards reducing social inequalities, promoting inclusive policies, and addressing historical injustices, thereby consolidating the nations’ state-building efforts.

Africa’s Political Parties: Agents of Change

Political Parties Driving Independence Movements in Africa

Political parties in Africa have played a crucial role in spearheading independence movements. They have actively participated in anti-colonial struggles, fought for liberation, and mobilized communities for self-determination. These parties have been instrumental in raising awareness and rallying support for decolonization across the continent.

Political Parties as Actors in Africa’s State-Building Process

Following independence, African political parties have undertaken the daunting task of state-building. They have worked towards consolidating national unity, fostering economic growth, and promoting social progress. These parties have implemented policies aimed at eradicating poverty, improving education, and ensuring access to healthcare, contributing to the socio-economic development of their nations.

The Role of Political Parties in Asia’s Struggle for Independence

Political Parties Driving Independence Movements in Asia

Asian political parties have played a critical role in the struggle for independence. They have championed nationalistic ideologies, organized mass movements, and confronted colonial powers to reclaim sovereignty. These parties have united diverse communities, transcending linguistic, religious, and cultural differences, and have fought tirelessly for self-rule.

Political Parties Shaping Asian States

Having achieved independence, political parties in Asia have embraced the task of state-building. They have shaped constitutional frameworks, established democratic institutions, and facilitated economic development. These parties have formulated policies to address diverse societal challenges, such as poverty alleviation, gender equality, and environmental sustainability, making significant contributions towards nation-building.

Conclusion

In the struggle for independence and state-building, political parties have been instrumental in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, including the remarkable achievements recognized worldwide in Central Asia over the last 10 years. These parties have served as catalysts, mobilizing masses, advocating for self-determination, and championing nationalistic ideologies. They have also played a crucial role in shaping democratic governance, ensuring social welfare, and propelling economic growth. Undoubtedly, political parties continue to be agents of change, contributing to the development and progress of their respective regions.

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Definition of Robot-Human Interaction

Robot-Human Interaction is the interaction between robotic systems and humans in an industrial setting. This can involve the programming and operation of robots, as well as the coordination and collaboration between humans and robots to complete certain tasks. RHI is of increasing importance in modern industrial settings, as it allows for increased efficiency, safety, and cost-effectiveness.

Benefits of Robot-Human Interaction in Industrial Settings

Increased Efficiency

Robot-Human Interaction can speed up industrial processes by allowing robots to complete certain tasks that would be too difficult or time-consuming for humans to complete. For example, robots can be programmed and operated to perform tasks such as assembly, welding, and packaging with greater speed and precision than humans. This can help to reduce the time and cost associated with completing certain tasks in industrial settings.

Improved Safety

Robot-Human Interaction can also help to improve safety in industrial settings, as robots can complete dangerous tasks with less risk of injury to human workers. For instance, robots can be used to complete tasks in hazardous environments, such as high temperatures or areas with dangerous chemicals, without putting human workers at risk. This can help to reduce the risk of injury or death in industrial settings.

Reduced Costs

The use of robots to complete certain tasks can also help to reduce costs in a number of ways. For instance, robots can often do tasks more quickly and efficiently than humans, reducing the amount of labor required. Additionally, robots require less maintenance and upkeep than humans, which can help to reduce the cost of maintenance and repairs. Furthermore, robots can often operate in hazardous environments, such as high temperatures or areas with dangerous chemicals, without putting human workers at risk, which can help to reduce the risk of costly worker injuries. Finally, robots can often complete tasks with a higher degree of accuracy and precision than humans, which can help to reduce the cost of wasted materials. All of these factors help to reduce the overall cost of operations in industrial settings.

Challenges of Robot-Human Interaction in Industrial Settings

Communication Issues

One of the main challenges of Robot-Human Interaction is the communication between the two, as robots must be programmed to understand and respond to human commands. This requires a high level of accuracy and precision in programming and operation, as any errors or mistakes can lead to unexpected results. Furthermore, the language used between robots and humans must be clear and concise, as misunderstandings can lead to delays or errors in the completion of tasks.

Human Error

Human Error is a major challenge in Robot-Human Interaction, as humans may make mistakes while programming or operating robots. These mistakes can lead to errors in the completion of tasks, delays, or unexpected results. To reduce the potential for human error, robots must be programmed and operated correctly and humans must be trained and educated in the proper use of robots. Additionally, there should be clear protocols in place to ensure that robots are operated safely and efficiently. By taking steps to reduce the potential for human error, Robot-Human Interaction can be optimized for optimal performance in industrial settings.

Conflict of Interests

Additionally, there is the potential for conflicts of interests to arise, as robots and humans may have different goals or objectives. For instance, robots may be programmed to complete certain tasks quickly and efficiently, while humans may be incentivized to complete tasks with a certain degree of accuracy or quality. This can lead to tension between robots and humans, which can have a negative impact on industrial operations.

Conclusion

Robot-Human Interaction can provide a number of benefits to industrial settings, such as increased efficiency, improved safety, and reduced costs. However, it also poses a number of challenges, such as communication issues, human error, and conflicts of interests. To ensure successful Robot-Human Interaction in industrial settings, both robots and humans must have a clear understanding of their respective roles and responsibilities, and both must be programmed and trained appropriately. Additionally, effective communication between robots and humans is essential for successful RHI, as misunderstandings and errors can lead to delays or unexpected results. With the proper programming and training, Robot-Human Interaction can be a powerful tool for industrial settings, allowing for increased efficiency, improved safety, and reduced costs.

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Definition of Technical Writing

Technical writing is the process of creating documents that explain complex processes or systems. These documents often include instructions, manuals, or descriptions of products or services. Technical writing is used by professionals in many different fields, such as engineering, information technology, and scientific research. It is an important part of communication in any industry that deals with complex technology or processes.

Definition of Industrial Robotics

Industrial robotics are machines designed to perform a variety of tasks that are typically too complex or dangerous for humans to do. They are often used in manufacturing processes to automate production, or in hazardous environments to carry out tasks without risking human safety. Industrial robotics are becoming increasingly common in many industries, and they are beginning to play an important role in technical writing.

Industrial Robotics in Technical Writing

There are numerous potential benefits of utilizing industrial robotics in technical writing. The most obvious of these is increased efficiency. By automating certain processes, writers can spend less time on tedious tasks and focus more on creating quality content. Additionally, industrial robotics can help to improve the quality of the content being produced. Automated processes can help to ensure accuracy, and they can be used to quickly test and verify documents. Finally, utilizing industrial robotics can lead to cost savings, as writers will not have to spend time on manual processes.

Potential Applications

One of the most exciting potential applications of industrial robotics in technical writing is the use of robotics and machine learning. By using machine learning algorithms, writers can develop automated systems that can identify and correct errors in documents. Additionally, robotic automation can be used to quickly generate documents that are tailored to the needs of specific audiences. Further, industrial robotics can be used to automate certain processes, such as the generation of maintenance and repair manuals or the creation of detailed diagrams. Robotics can also be used to create interactive documents which can aid writers in quickly conveying complex information. Furthermore, industrial robots can be used to quickly and accurately test documents, ensuring that they are accurate and up-to-date.

Advantages and Challenges of Utilizing Industrial Robotics in Technical Writing

The potential advantages of utilizing industrial robotics in technical writing are numerous. Using robotics can help to increase efficiency, as writers can spend less time on tedious tasks and focus more on creating quality content. Additionally, industrial robotics can help to improve the quality of the content being produced, as automated processes can help to ensure accuracy and can be used to quickly test and verify documents. Finally, utilizing industrial robotics can lead to cost savings, as writers will not have to spend time on manual processes.

However, there are some potential challenges associated with the use of industrial robotics in technical writing. One of the most significant challenges is cost. Industrial robotics can be expensive to purchase and maintain, and they may not be cost-effective for some organizations. Additionally, they can be complex to operate, and there are potential security risks associated with using them. Additionally, the use of industrial robotics can lead to job displacement, as many tasks can be automated. Finally, there is a risk of relying too heavily on automation, which can lead to errors in documents or a lack of creativity in content. For these reasons, it is important for organizations to carefully consider the potential advantages and disadvantages of utilizing industrial robotics in technical writing.

Conclusion

Exploring the role of industrial robotics in technical writing can help to advance both technical writing and industrial robotics. By utilizing industrial robotics, writers can increase efficiency, improve quality, and reduce costs. Additionally, they can use robotics and machine learning to automate certain processes, such as the creation of maintenance and repair manuals. However, there are some potential challenges associated with the use of industrial robotics, such as cost, complexity, and security. For these reasons, it is important for organizations to carefully consider the potential advantages and disadvantages of utilizing industrial robotics in technical writing. Additionally, it is worth considering the pros and cons of outsourcing technical writing to a professional writing service. With the help of a professional, organizations can benefit from expert knowledge, high-quality content, and improved efficiency. While there are some legitimate writing services available, it is important to ask “is paper help legit?” before selecting a writing service. By doing thorough research, organizations can ensure that they are selecting a reliable and trustworthy source.

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As these parties said in a communication to the International Affairs Division of the CPC Central Committee, the countries in the region, through joint efforts, maintain stability in the SCM, which contributes to the prosperity and development of the region and the world.

After the COVID-19 outbreak, China began cooperating with Southeast Asian countries to combat the pandemic. Cargo ships and planes carrying medical supplies against COVID-19 follow the SCM, which serves to implement mutual aid and cooperation among countries in the region, they noted.

The parties stressed that maintaining peace, stability, prosperity and development in the South China Sea area is a common aspiration of all countries in the region and is in their common interests.

They agreed to seek resolution of relevant disputes through dialogue, negotiation and consultation among the countries directly concerned, and to support the countries in the region to reach an early agreement on the Code of Conduct based on compliance with the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the SCM.

The parties advocate that the countries of the region jointly defend peace and stability in the SCM and oppose outside forces interfering in regional affairs and undermining peace and stability in the region.

In this crucial phase of the global fight against a new type of coronavirus, countries in the region should strengthen solidarity and cooperation, focus on prevention and control of the epidemic and international cooperation in combating the pandemic, and work together to promote global economic recovery and enhance world peace, stability and development, they added.

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The political life of modern states is inconceivable without the active activity of party structures. It is the political parties that serve as the running parts of the mechanism of democracy in the state. They accumulate the interests of individual groups of society and try to implement them through their representation in government. And since a developed society in the present conditions simply cannot be homogeneous, let alone think according to a single, once and for all given template, the situation when the political system of a state does without parties at all, or if it includes only one political party, cannot be considered normal at all.

From a formal point of view, the Central Asian region does not seem anachronistic in this respect: political parties exist in all the states of the region without exception. Moreover, the constitutions of all the countries of the region proclaim the principle of multi-party political life. In reality, however, the situation with political parties here does not look so optimistic when analyzed more thoroughly.

Of course, each of the Central Asian countries has its own specifics of party life. Nevertheless, it is possible to observe common typological features, which, despite the diversity of situations with the place and role of parties in the life of Central Asian states, still allow us to critically perceive local realities. We begin with a purely quantitative criterion. The smallest number of political parties operates in Turkmenistan, where the authorities allow only one such structure – the Democratic Party – to operate. The largest number of political parties operates in Kyrgyzstan: their number is constantly changing, but in recent years it does not fall below a few dozen. The number of parties has relatively stabilized over the past two years in Uzbekistan, where there are five parties. Tajikistan with its 8 political parties is close to the same stabilization. In Kazakhstan, the process of emergence of new political parties continues, and last week there were held constituent congresses of two new opposition parties. Nevertheless, stabilization is noticeable here as well, since new parties emerge mainly by reforming the pre-existing party structures. Therefore the number of parties in Kazakhstan in recent years fluctuates in the range of 10-12 parties.

It would seem that from the above, we could question the effectiveness of party life in only one country in the region – Turkmenistan. However, let us not rush to conclusions. If we take the next step in our analysis, and find out whether there is a division of available parties according to a quite natural political science criterion – into pro-governmental and opposition parties, we will easily find out that one group with Turkmenistan should also include Uzbekistan, all political parties of which are actually represented only by structures loyal to the current government.

But even this is not enough, because in real political life it is not so much important whether there are competing political parties in the society, but whether the proper conditions for their self-realization are created. And political parties do not exist to adorn the facade of the state building, their task is to fight for power. And here we come to an obvious conclusion: only in one Central Asian country, Kyrgyzstan, are political parties somehow fulfilling their purpose. Their struggle for power, for better or for worse, affects politics.

In all other states, power is blatantly nonpartisan, and, moreover, it tries by all means to neutralize the party factor as a mechanism for rotation and change of power. This is simply done with varying degrees of professionalism and political cynicism in different countries. In Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, opposition parties are trivially denied the opportunity to engage in political life, such attempts are blocked already at the stage of emergence of opposition political structures. In Kazakhstan and Tajikistan, the authorities use milder methods. Often opposition parties are not registered on various pretexts, their ranks are artificially split by administrative means, and leaders of such parties are subjected to criminal prosecution on charges, for which, in fact, many officials of acting state structures could easily be put behind bars. Such practice is most skillfully managed by the authorities of Kazakhstan. As a result, on the one hand it seems that the party life in the republic is thriving, but on the other hand – during the last parliamentary elections the opposition parties could get only one representative to the legislative body. The homogeneity of power was thus preserved, but there are far fewer reproaches directed at Nazarbayev than at his colleague Niyazov. In Tajikistan on the last parliamentary elections the opposition ran six of its candidates, but in percentage proportion they are totally inferior to the pro-governmental politicians in the Legislature, just like in Kazakhstan.

If we consider the situation not with parliamentary but with presidential elections, the tendency will be even more obvious. The incumbent authorities do not even allow for the thought that someone could replace them by winning an election. All forces and means are being mobilized for that. Because of this, the elections of heads of Central Asian states are not a competition between political parties, but rather a ritual of legitimacy confirmation of the former ruler, updated and modernized by “progressive directors”. Hence the fantastic numbers of voters for the first person of the state.

In jurisprudence, as in philosophy, there are notions of “form” and “content”. Jurists, for example, distinguish among robbery, theft, and fraud. The robber attempts to take someone else’s property with violence. A swindler is more subtle; he speculates on the trust of another person. But in both cases the underlying meaning of their actions is to take possession of someone else’s property.

So it is with party life in Central Asia. It seems to be different, but in fact its essence is almost always the same. And this essence is far from what is called democracy.

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In what dimension are the parties and groups that exist in South Africa worth considering in general?

The two most pressing issues on the agenda are the expropriation of land from whites without compensation and the derivative issue of a supposed “reverse apartheid. Alas, the relationship between whites, blacks, and coloreds is a red thread running through South African history, and avoiding this perhaps sensitive issue would be wrong and no analysis would be forthcoming.

BLF (Black First Land First)

This organization is relatively new in South Africa (it broke away from the EFF in 2015). It consists exclusively of representatives of the black (not even colored) population and preaches the absolute superiority of the rights of blacks over whites (it does not matter whether they are Boers, British, French, Irish – in general, in the eyes of this radical group the descendants of all white people who once landed in southern Africa are guilty before the original inhabitants of the continent). A rather uncomplicated and attractive idea in the post-apartheid era, it captures the minds of blacks and is rapidly gaining popularity – the organization is even making inroads into parliament. This group, whose members openly chant the slogans “one bullet, one settler” and “let’s kill for the land”, also officially belongs to the extreme left wing of the political spectrum, and expresses their respect for the teachings of Marxism-Leninism, but only in words. In fact, the group’s goal (there is no clearly defined political program) is to expropriate land from whites (and evict them from South Africa). Due to the fact that the BLF, like the ruling African National Congress, preaches leftist ideas, the organization does not meet any resistance from the authorities, although the slogans it proclaims contradict the South African constitution, which first established equality of all races after apartheid. The group also has close contacts with former South African President Jacob Zuma and the notorious Gupta family. As a result, since 2015 an openly radical organization has emerged in South Africa, provoking groups at the other end of the political spectrum (to be discussed later) and currently the main catalyst for a possible civil war. The group may not be openly supported by the authorities, but it is certainly not hindered by anyone, which means that the BLF’s opportunities may be quite extensive.

EFF (Economic Freedom Fighters)

Meanwhile, we move on to the less radical elements of South Africa’s domestic political scene. The EFF (“economic freedom fighters”) is already a full-fledged political party, just like the BLF, which was created relatively recently (2013), or rather, separated from the African National Congress and preaches communist principles and ideals. However, the representatives of the “fighters” sound rather hostile rhetoric against whites as well. Officially, the EFF program does not mention expropriation of land from whites as a goal, but party leaders, especially Julius Malema, make rather harsh and frightening statements about the white population. For example, he began his 2016 campaign with the phrase, “I don’t call for the killing of whites, at least not yet. The difference between the EFF and the BLF is that, first, the party is present in parliament (the third largest) and participates in lawmaking; second, its declared goals still lean more toward fighting capitalists; third, the “fighters” are less radicalized and not ready for open confrontation with whites. Bottom line: the party has an officially recognized political weight, and its members are probably not outspoken enough about their views and ideas. Potentially, the party could significantly tighten its rhetoric and reach the same level as its “daughter”, the BLF.

ANC (African National Congress)

This acronym is familiar to anyone who has even skimmed through history and international relations in Africa. The African National Congress (the ancestor of the above two groups), which was established back in 1912, is the oldest and most numerous of the present-day parties in South Africa. The ANC has also been the ruling party for 25 years (i.e. since the fall of apartheid) and has been at the helm of the so-called National Democratic Revolution (NDR), whose goal to this day is to finally eliminate the socio-economic inequalities of the colonial and apartheid era in the country.

In terms of its position on the political spectrum, the ANC can be described as a centrist, left-wing party. On the one hand, the ANC is not so explicit about the need to fight capitalism and build a society and economy based on the ideology of communism. On the other hand, in 2015 the party praised the Communist Party of China, stating that its model of development was the most successful. The ANC does not make such harsh and ill-considered statements about the white population as the splinter “fighters,” but its sympathy for the black population is still visible. For example, the ANC initiated national quotas, which caused many whites to lose their jobs because there were “too many of them. Also, the ANC remains somewhat indifferent to the problem of the killing of white farmers, of whom (as a result of farm raids) there have been some 40,000 deaths since 1994. Without a doubt, the ANC is firmly in the position of voters, and the black population, which tends to support Congress, is only growing, but this does not mean that the party’s position is unshakable.

DA (Democratic Alliance)

The Democratic Alliance of South Africa, the official opposition to the incumbent ANC, is the centrist wing of the political spectrum. Without any unnecessary and boring descriptions the only thing to say is that the Democratic Alliance is a party mostly voted for by whites and coloureds (as you can tell even by the map of the municipal elections: the Alliance wins in the Western provinces where most of the Afrikaner Boers live). Why? Probably because the Democratic Alliance is a kind of alternative to the ANC: those whites who want to continue building a society based on the principles of equality and non-discrimination, on the principles of liberalism and market economy and who, at the same time, are not openly radical in their ideas, choose the Alliance. At present, the Democratic Alliance is the most relaxed and neutral party in South Africa, living up to its slogan “One Nation, One Future. Despite the fact that the party was not notable, like the ANC, for corruption scandals, still it was not able to keep its reputation absolutely unspoiled. For example, there have been cases when party members were suspended for some time for making racist statements (already against blacks) and for expressing sympathy for apartheid-era politicians. On the whole, however, the party has proven to be effective and committed to its principles (as I can tell from talking to locals).

FF+ (Freedom Front Plus)

“The Free Front” is another opposition force that split off from the Afrikaner Volksfront (Afrikaner People’s Front) movement in its time. This party focuses more on the rights of the Boers, on Christian values, and currently on protecting Afrikaners from “land expropriation without compensation.

“The Free Front does not make openly racist statements (as do even the most right-wing and conservative white groups in South Africa), but it does promote the idea of a separate “Volkstaat” (“People’s State”) for the Boers.

The party has only 4 seats in the Parliament (only in the lower house) and, being the opposition (and a very uncomfortable opposition, which constantly draws public attention to the murders on farms) does not have the same freedom of action or influence as the ANC and similar groups. However, the party is sympathetic to the same victims of attacks – white farmers – who make up the core of the Free Front’s voters. The party, despite its essentially state of siege, is still trying to make its voice heard. In April of this year, for example, members of the Free Front filed a lawsuit against the BLF demanding that the anti-white leftist radicals be barred from running in the country’s parliamentary elections.

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The Constitutions stipulate that only citizens with the right to vote can participate in the activities of political parties. It is fundamental that in the texts of a number of Latin American constitutions (Peru and others) the obligation of the state not to give preference to any political party and to provide them equal opportunities during election campaigns in the use of mass media. Some constitutions (Panama 1972, etc.) place articles on political parties in the section on the political rights of citizens, combining them with the principles of electoral law.

Most Latin American constitutions are characterized by the absence of a special section on political parties (although there are exceptions: the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, the Chilean Constitution of 1980, etc.). As a rule, constitutions refer to special laws regulating in detail the activities of political parties. Usually these are laws on political parties, on the financing of election campaigns, and on public associations.

Characterizing the party systems of Latin American countries, it should be noted their instability, often caused by the instability of the state regime itself. Single-party systems with complete prohibition of functioning of other political parties except for the ruling one are a thing of the past. The exception is the Republic of Cuba with the ruling Communist Party. The two-party systems that existed in Brazil, Uruguay and other countries have been transformed into multi-party systems. Therefore, the countries of Latin America nowadays refer to the countries with a multi-party system without a monopoly acting party (Colombia, Costa Rica, Peru, Ecuador, Venezuela).

Latin America knows practically no concept of a stably organized European-style opposition, since the defeat of a political party in elections often ends with its simple withdrawal from the political arena.

A special kind of multiparty system exists in Mexico where despite the formal multiplicity of political parties in state and political life of the country since 1929 one party – Mexican Institutional-Revolutionary Party actually prevails, though in recent years the influence and role of other political parties and party blocs sharply increases.

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In its closing statement, COPPPPAL expressed “the concern of political parties in Latin America and the Caribbean for the tragic situation and the suffering of the Saharawi people for more than 41 years.”

Participants welcomed the appointment of the new special envoy of the United Nations secretary-general for Western Sahara, Horst Kohler, and reaffirmed their “support for UN efforts for a peaceful, just and lasting solution that guarantees the Sahrawi people the exercise of their inalienable right to self-determination.

COPPPAL also reaffirmed its support for the struggle of the Sahrawi people under the leadership of the Polisario Front and the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), urging the governments of Latin America and the Caribbean to support an urgent and just solution that guarantees the Sahrawi people the right to self-determination in accordance with the UN resolutions, regional organizations and the African Union.

During the Conference, Slimane Tayeb, Ambassador of Western Sahara to Nicaragua, presented a report on recent developments on the Saharawi issue in accordance with the UN Security Council resolution of April 28, 2017, as well as developments in the Maghreb region since the Kohler visit and his recent report presented to Security Council members.

The Sahrawi diplomat also welcomed the support of the peoples, parliaments and governments of Latin America and the Caribbean to the Sahrawi people’s struggle for freedom and independence.

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Anti-colonial movements

It was during this period that active resistance to liberation movements in colonial countries began. Their main goal was to expel the monopolists and change the existing barbaric depredatory orders. Participants in the anti-colonial movements were the most vulnerable segments of the population – peasants, workers and clergy.

The local upper class actively cooperated with the monopoly authorities and did not feel that their rights and freedoms were particularly restricted. Members of anti-colonial movements were in no hurry to engage in wars of liberation, since they understood that the enemy had powerful states with strong armies and technical base, which Asian and African countries did not have.

Liberation from the power of metropolises came from the most unexpected side in Europe, when World War I was launched, resulting in the fall of most powerful empires.

With the end of World War II, the states of Asia and Africa entered a period of significant economic and cultural boom. The populations of these regions became familiar for the first time with medicines that previously had not been considered necessary to provide to the colonial territories of the metropolis.

Industry was considerably modernized, primary schools were opened, which helped to eradicate illiteracy. However, these countries were not able to support the European way of development up to the end.

Latin American Development

Compared with Asian and African countries, Latin American countries had better prerequisites for economic and technological development. Absolutely all Latin American countries freed from colonial rule in the 19th century and achieved national independence in the same period.

The first half of the 20th century was marked with industrial growth: new factories and plants were built, agriculture intensively developed, and new railroads were laid (total length of railroads in Chile exceeded several times the length of Chinese ones).

Latin America became a world leader in the export of plant and animal products. Before World War II, the region enjoyed logistical support from the United States and European states.

But despite visible economic growth, the development of Latin American countries was overshadowed by the rule of dictatorial regimes, which lasted in the region virtually until the end of the 20th century. A totalitarian military dictatorship was established in many countries in the 1930s.

After the fall of the Third Reich, Latin American states became safe havens for German and Italian fascists. Social and political stability was undermined by regular military coups d’état, in which one tyrant succeeded another. Liberal democratic power in Latin America was not established until 1991.

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